中国的奥运契机China's Olympic Opportunity
20:44:32　　
作者：毛小东 　
中国的奥运契机
作者：马丁·李（李柱铭）
发表于日 《华尔街日报》A10版
当美国总统布什应中国国家主席胡锦涛的邀请，答应出席2008年的时候，布什先生的新闻秘书说，布什去奥运会是作为“一个体育迷，不会带任何政治意味”——我也是一个超级体育迷，尤其是喜欢看世界杯——但是我建议布什总统能够拓宽北京奥运会可能带来的机遇。他应该利用接下来的10个月强烈敦促我的国家在基本人权方面做出明显的改善，包括新闻出版、集会和宗教活动自由。
这应该是具有可行性的，因为中国的领导人已经承诺过将会对此做出改善。从开始申办奥运会起，他们就向国际奥委会做出了承诺，从那以后，中国的各级领导人多次向世界重申，他们将会利用奥运会的契机改善国家的基础建设。
“通过申办奥运会，我们不仅仅是想促进城市建设，也是为了社会的发展，包括民主政治和人权的方面。”当时中国申奥的关键人物之一、北京市副市长刘敬民，在2001年曾经接受过《华盛顿邮报》的采访。当时刘先生说，“如果民众能够有为一个共同的目标去奋斗，比如举办奥运，那将帮助我们构建一个更加公平与和谐的社会，一个更加民主的社会，并且能够帮助中国更好的融入世界。”
对此我非常同意。但是取代冀望改革出现的却是，中国政府似乎将他们的承诺抛之脑后，其中包括香港政局已经陷于瘫痪，而不是曾经许诺过的完全民主。既然没有缘由放弃让中国社会出现改良的希望，现在就有必要让那些承诺出现在公众出版物上。
在接受参加北京奥运会的要求时，布什总统说这将是“一个中国领导人能够用来展现开放和宽容承诺的契机。”而不是“瞬间”的改变，中国社会需要结构性的和长期的改良：将中国共产党的地位置于法律之下，恢复媒体和互联网自由，允许信教徒能够自由地践行他们的宗教信仰，停止对防治艾滋病和环境保护社会团体的管制，建立一种更加谦和的政治体制。布什先生和那些计划出席北京奥运的世界各国领导人，不应该再去等待奥运开幕式的到来，而是必须从现在开始为实现上述目标而做出持续努力。
一个能够对中国改革前景有乐观猜测的原因是近代奥运史。当韩国申办1988年首尔奥运会时，国家尚处在军事独裁专制阶段。就像国际承诺所冀望的那样，在首尔奥运会开幕前六个月，奥运会帮助韩国获得了迟来的和平政局演变，从那以后，韩国成为了亚洲最稳定和重要的民主社会之一。韩国和中国的情况并不完全一致，但是得出的经验是，联系到中国政府的承诺，奥运会显然能够对此起到一个推动作用。
在美国和其他地方，存在一些抵制北京奥运的活动，因为中国政府与苏丹和缅甸通商，并对他们的政权给予支持。作为一名中国人，我认为那些活动参加者从为奥运会揭丑的角度给中国带来了积极影响，也包括世界记者们的监察报道。现在显然到了中国领导人在亚非地区增进和发挥他们建设性作用的时机。如此，北京应该掀开外交政策责任的新篇章，并且让世界信服这些问题并没有被遗忘。
全球各地的华人都为中国举办奥运会感到骄傲，中国是世界上经济发展最快的国家，可能会在明年8月办出一届史上最抢眼的奥运会。但是即便夺得金牌，对于我们那个仍在承受着民主、人权和法规不完善的国家来说，又能带来什么益处呢？
我希望奥运会能够给中国政府的内政和外交带来直接性的影响，这样中国民众才将会长久记得那届他们举办过的奥运会－不是仅仅获得了多少奖牌，而是因为这成为了改善中国人权和法规的关键一步。这将是值得欢呼庆幸的事情。
（李先生是中国香港特别行政区立法会议员和香港民主党建党主席）
China's Olympic Opportunity
By MARTIN LEE
October 17, 2007; Page A18
When President George W. Bush accepted President Hu Jintao's invitation to attend the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing, Mr. Bush's press secretary said that he was going to the Games as "a sports fan, not to make any political statement." I too am a great sports fan -- especially of the Soccer World Cup -- but I would encourage President Bush to take a broader vision of the possibilities for the Beijing Games. He should use the next 10 months to press for a significant improvement of basic human rights in my country, including press, assembly and religious freedoms.
This should be possible, since Chinese leaders have promised to make these improvements anyway. In their pledges to the International Olympic Committee while bidding for the Games and since, China's leaders at all levels repeatedly assured the world that they would use the Games to go beyond improving the country's physical infrastructure.
"By applying for the Olympics, we want to promote not just the city's development, but the development of society, including democracy and human rights," one of China's key Olympic figures, Deputy Mayor Liu Jingmin, told the Washington Post in 2001. Then, Mr. Liu said, "If people have a target like the Olympics to strive for, it will help us establish a more just and harmonious society, a more democratic society, and help integrate China into the world."
I couldn't agree more. But instead of the hoped-for reforms, the Chinese government appears to be backsliding on its promises, including in Hong Kong where we have near total political paralysis, not the promised road to full democracy. That is no reason to give up on the prospects for reform in China. But it is reason to step up the direct engagement on these pressing issues.
In accepting the invitation to attend China's Games, President Bush said this would be "a moment where China's leaders can use the opportunity to show confidence by demonstrating a commitment to greater openness and tolerance." Instead of a "moment" of change, China needs structural and long-term reforms: placing the Communist Party under the rule of law, unshackling the media and Internet, allowing religious adherents to freely practice their faiths, ceasing harassment of civil-society groups that work on AIDS and the environment, and addressing modest calls for accountability in the political system. Mr. Bush and other world leaders planning to attend the Olympics should not wait for the opening ceremony, but must start now with sustained efforts to achieve this agenda.
One reason for optimism about the possibilities for progress in China is recent Olympic history. When South Korea bid for the 1988 Games, the country was a military dictatorship. Due in good part to the prospects for embarrassment and international engagement, the Olympics helped kick off an overdue peaceful political transformation in South Korea just six months before the launch of the Seoul Games. Since then, South Korea has endured as one of Asia's most stable and vital democracies. The parallels between South Korea and China are not exact, but the lesson is that the Olympics certainly present an opening to raise these issues in the context of the Chinese government's own promises.
In the U.S. and elsewhere, there are campaigns to boycott the Beijing Games over the Chinese government's trade with and support for regimes in Sudan and Burma. As a Chinese person, I would encourage backers of these efforts to consider the positive effects Olympic exposure could still have in China, including scrutiny by the world's journalists. This is certainly the time for Chinese leaders to step up and constructively use their clout in Asia and Africa. In so doing, Beijing should open a new chapter of responsible foreign policy and convince the world it is not oblivious to these issues.
Chinese people around the world are proud that China will host the Games. China has the world's fastest growing economy, and may indeed put on history's most impressive Olympic Games next August. But how does it profit our nation if it wins gold medals but suffers from the continued absence of democracy, human rights and the rule of law?
It is my hope that the Games could have a catalytic effect on the domestic and foreign policies of the Chinese government, and that the Chinese people will remember the Games long after they are held -- not merely for medals won, but also because they were a turning point for human rights and the rule of law in China. That would be something worth cheering.
Mr. Lee is a democratically elected legislator and the founding chairman of Hong Kong's Democratic Party.
作者：毛小东
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