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Belligerents
Commanders and leaders
Casualties and losses
205–314 killed
1,906 captured
325 wounded
Panamanian civilians killed according to
U.S. military: 250
United Nations: 500
CODEHUCA: 2,500–3,000
1 Spanish journalist killed
The United States Invasion of Panama, code-named Operation Just Cause, was the invasion of
by the United States in December 1989. It occurred during the
of U.S. President , and ten years after the
were ratified to transfer control of the
from the United States to Panama by 1 January 2000.
During the invasion, de facto Panamanian leader, general, and dictator
was deposed, president-elect
sworn into office, and the
dissolved.
The United States long maintained numerous military bases and a substantial garrison throughout the
to protect the American-owned Panama Canal and to maintain American control of this strategically important area. On 7 September 1977, President of the United States
leader of Panama, General , signed , which set in motion the process of handing over the Panama Canal to Panamanian control by the year 2000. Although the canal was destined for Panamanian administration, the military bases remained and one condition of the transfer was that the canal would remain open for American shipping.
Meanwhile, the US had long-standing relations with General Noriega. Noriega served as a US intelligence asset and paid informant of the
from 1967, including the period when Bush was head of the CIA (1976–77).
Noriega had sided with the US rather than the USSR in Central America, notably in sabotaging the forces of the
government in Nicaragua, and the revolutionaries of the
group in . Noriega received upwards of $100,000 per year from the 1960s until the 1980s, when his salary was increased to $200,000 per year. Although he worked with the
to restrict illegal drug shipments, he was known to simultaneously accept significant financial support from drug dealers, because he facilitated the laundering of drug money, and through Noriega they received protection from DEA investigations due to his special relationship with the CIA.
Beginning in the middle of the 1980s, relations between Noriega and the United States began to deteriorate. In 1986, US President
opened negotiations with General Noriega, requesting that the Panamanian leader step down after he was publicly exposed in The New York Times by , and later exposed in the . Reagan pressured him with several drug-related indictments in US however, since extradition laws between Panama and the US were weak, Noriega deemed this threat not credible and did not submit to Reagan's demands. In 1988,
and others in the Pentagon began pushing for a US invasion, but Reagan refused, due to Bush's ties to Noriega through his previous positions in the CIA and the Task Force on Drugs, and their potentially negative impact on Bush's presidential campaign. Later negotiations involved dropping the drug-trafficking indictments. In March 1988, an attempted coup against the government of Panama was resisted by Noriega's forces. As relations continued to deteriorate, Noriega appeared to shift his Cold War allegiance towards the Soviet bloc, soliciting and receiving military aid from Cuba, Nicaragua, and Libya. American military planners began preparing contingency plans for action against Panama.
In May 1989, during the , an alliance of parties opposed to the military dictatorship of Noriega counted results from the country's election precincts before they were sent to the district centers. Their tally showed their candidate, , defeating , candidate of a pro-Noriega coalition, by a nearly 3–1 margin. Endara was beaten up by Noriega supporters the next day in his motorcade. Noriega declared the election null and maintained power by force, making him unpopular among Panamanians. Noriega's government insisted that it had won the presidential election and that irregularities had been on the part of US-backed candidates from opposition parties. Bush called on Noriega to honor the will of the Panamanian people.
A US Marine Corps
As tensions continued to escalate, the United States reinforced its Canal Zone garrison, and increased the tempo of training operations and other activities intended to put pressure on Noriega.
In October 1989, Noriega foiled a second coup attempt by members of the
(PDF), led by Major . Pressure mounted on Bush as the media labeled him a "wimp" for failing to aid Panama in spite of campaign rhetoric that called for a tough stand against known drug traffickers. Bush declared that the US would not negotiate with a known drug trafficker and denied having any knowledge of Noriega's involvement with the drug trade prior to his February 1988 indictment, although Bush had met with Noriega while Director of the CIA and had been the Chair of the Task Force on Drugs while Vice President.
On 15 December, the Panamanian general assembly passed a resolution declaring that the actions of the United States had caused a state of war to exist between Panama and the United States.
The sense of crisis was greatly intensified by an incident the next day. Four US military personnel were stopped at a roadblock around 9:00 PM outside PDF headquarters in the El Chorrillo neighborhood of . The four officers were Marine Captain Richard E. Hadded, Navy Lieutenant Michael J. Wilson, Army Captain Barry L. Rainwater, and Marine First Lieutenant Robert Paz. The four officers had left the
and were on their way to have dinner at the
in downtown Panama City. The
reported that the servicemen had been unarmed and in a private vehicle and that they attempted to flee the scene only after their vehicle was surrounded by an angry crowd of civilians and PDF troops. The PDF asserted later that the Americans were armed and on a reconnaissance mission. The PDF opened fire on the four officers as they attempted to flee the angry mob. Lieutenant Paz was fatally wounded by a round that entered the rear of the vehicle and struck him in the back. Captain Hadded, the driver of the vehicle, was also wounded in the foot. Paz was rushed to
but died of his wounds. He received the
posthumously.
According to US military sources, a US naval officer and his wife witnessed the incident and were subsequently detained by Panamanian Defense Force soldiers. While in police custody, they were assaulted by the PDF. The US naval officer spent two weeks in the hospital recovering from his beating. His wife was not injured but was sexually threatened by PDF soldiers.
The next day, President Bush ordered the execution of the P the military set
as 0100 on 20 December.
The official U.S. justification for the invasion was articulated by President George H. W. Bush on the morning of 20 December 1989, a few hours after the start of the operation. Bush listed four reasons for the invasion:
Safeguarding the lives of U.S. citizens in Panama. In his statement, Bush claimed that Noriega had declared that a state of war existed between the U.S. and Panama and that he threatened the lives of the approximately 35,000 U.S. citizens living there. There had been numerous clashes between U.S. and P one U.S. Marine had been killed a few days earlier.
Defending democracy and
in Panama.
Combating drug trafficking. Panama had become a center for drug
and a transit point for drug trafficking to the U.S. and Europe.
Protecting the integrity of the . Members of Congress and others in the U.S. political establishment claimed that Noriega threatened the neutrality of the Panama Canal and that the U.S. had the right under the treaties to intervene militarily to protect the canal.
U.S. military forces were instructed to begin maneuvers and activities within the restrictions of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties, such as ignoring PDF roadblocks and conducting short-notice "Category Three" military exercises on security-sensitive targets, with the express goal of provoking PDF soldiers. U.S. SOUTHCOM kept a list of abuses against U.S. servicemen and civilians by the PDF while the orders to incite PDF soldiers were in place. As for the Panamanian legislature's declaration of a state of war between the U.S. and Panama, Noriega insists that this statement referred to a state of war directed by the U.S. against Panama, in the form of what he claimed were harsh economic sanctions and constant, provocative military maneuvers ( and ) that were prohibited by the Torrijos-Carter Treaties. The U.S. had turned a blind eye to Noriega's involvement in drug trafficking since the 1970s. Noriega was then singled out for direct involvement in these drug trafficking operations due to the widespread public knowledge of his involvement in money laundering, drug activities, political murder, and human rights abuses.
Bush's four reasons for the invasion provided sufficient justification to establish bipartisan Congressional approval and support for the invasion. However, the secrecy before initiation, the speed and success of the invasion itself, and U.S. public support for it (80% public approval[]) did not allow Democrats to object to Bush's decision to use military force. One contemporary study suggests that Bush decided to invade for domestic political reasons, citing scarce strategic reasoning for the U.S. to invade and immediate withdrawal without establishing the structure to enforce the interests that Bush used to justify the invasion.
Two days before the invasion, on 18 December, Panama announced that the U.S. was planning an invasion of Panama.[]
Tactical map of Operation Just Cause showing major points of attack.
Elements of 1st Bn, 508th Infantry parachuting into a drop zone outside of Panama City.
The US , , , and
participated in Operation Just Cause. Ground forces consisted of :
combat elements of the ,
elements of the
1st Battalion, 61st U.S. Infantry and
4th Battalion, 6th United States Infantry (replacing 1/61st in September 1989)),
1138th Military Police Company of the ,
988 Military Police Company out of Ft. Benning, GA
the 59th Engineer Co. (Sappers),
Marine Security Forces Battalion Panama,
elements from the ,
39th Combat Engineer Btn. Charlie Co.
Air logistic support was provided by the 22nd Air Force with air assets from the 60th, 62nd, and 63rd military airlift wings.
The military incursion into Panama began on 20 December 1989, at 1:00 a.m. local time. The operation involved 27,684 U.S. troops and over 300 aircraft, including
tactical transports flown by the
(which was equipped with the Adverse Weather Aerial Delivery System or AWADS) and ,
observation and attack aircraft,
strategic transports,
stealth aircraft flown by the , and
attack helicopter. The invasion of Panama was the first combat deployment for the AH-64, the , and the F-117A. Panamanian radar units were jammed by two
of the 390th ECS, 366th TFW. These aircraft were deployed against the 16,000 members of the PDF.
The operation began with an assault of strategic installations, such as the civilian
in Panama City and a PDF garrison and airfield at Rio Hato, where Noriega also maintained a residence. U.S. Navy SEALs destroyed Noriega's private jet and a Panamanian gunboat. A Panamanian ambush killed four SEALs and wounded nine. Other military command centers throughout the country were also attacked. The attack on the central headquarters of the PDF (referred to as La Comandancia) touched off several fires, one of which destroyed most of the adjoining and heavily populated El Chorrillo neighborhood in downtown Panama City. During the firefight at the Comandancia, the PDF downed two special operations helicopters and forced one
to crash-land in the Panama Canal.
Fort Amador was secured by elements of the 1st Battalion (Airborne), 508th Parachute Infantry Regiment, and 59th Engineer Company (sappers) in a nighttime air assault which secured the fort in the early hours of 20 December. Fort Amador was a key position because of its relationship to the large oil farms adjacent to the canal, the
over the canal, and the Pacific entrance to the Panama Canal. Key command and control elements of the PDF were stationed there. C Company 1st Battalion (Airborne) 508th PIR was assigned the task of securing La Commandancia. Furthermore, Fort Amador had a large U.S. housing district that needed to be secured to prevent the PDF from taking U.S. citizens as hostages. This position also protected the left flank of the attack on the Comadancia and the securing of the El Chorrillos neighbourhood, guarded by , Noriega supporters that the U.S. forces sometimes referred to as "Dingbats".
A few hours after the invasion began, Guillermo Endara was sworn in at Fort Clayton. According to The Los Angeles Times, Endara was the "presumed winner" in the presidential election which had been scheduled earlier that year.
A platoon from the , , which was on a routine two-week rotation to Panama was called upon to set up a detainee camp on Empire Range to handle the mass of civilian and military detainees. This unit was the first National Guard unit called into active service since the Vietnam War.
Main articles:
was an operation launched by Navy SEALs to prevent Noriega's escape. They sank Noriega's boat and destroyed his jet, at a cost of four killed and nine wounded. Military operations continued for several weeks, mainly against military units of the Panamanian army. Noriega remained at large for several days, but realizing he had few options in the face of a massive manhunt and a $1 million reward for his capture, he obtained refuge in the
diplomatic mission in Panama City. The U.S. military's psychological pressure on him and diplomatic pressure on the Vatican mission, however, was relentless, as was the playing of loud rock-and-roll music day and night in a densely populated area. The report of the Office of the Chairman of the
maintains that the music was used principally to prevent
from being used to eavesdrop on negotiations, and not as a psychological weapon based around Noriega's supposed loathing of rock music. Noriega finally surrendered to the U.S. military on 3 January 1990. He was immediately put on an
aircraft and flown to the U.S.
While some U.S. Marine units continued their deployment, others that had been deployed since 3 October 1989, began returning on 12 January 1990. Along with units of the 193rd Infantry Brigade, 508th Airborne Infantry, and 59th Engineer Company (Sapper) , these units continued "police" patrols throughout Panama City and areas west of the canal to restore law and order and support the newly installed government (under the moniker "Operation Promote Liberty"). Two of these units were 5th BN 21st Infantry (Light) of the 7th Light Infantry Division and the 555th Military Police, who had been in the country since 20 December 1989. Another was Kilo Co. 3BN 6MAR, initially deployed on 1 October 1989, and remaining deployed in the jungles surrounding Howard Air Force Base until April 1990. All three of these units fought the PDF and then trained the Panamanian Police Force, composed of former PDF members.
A U.S. Army
According to official Pentagon figures, 516 Panamanians were killed however, an internal U.S. Army memo estimated the number at 1,000.
The UN estimated 500 deaths whilst Americas Watch found that around 300 civilians died. President
said that "less than 600 Panamanians" died during the entire invasion.
The U.S. lost 23 servicemembers killed and 325 were wounded. In June 1990, the U.S. military announced that of these casualties, at least 2 dead and 19 wounded, and possibly up to 3 dead and 40 wounded were victims of . The , then based on Quarry Heights in Panama, estimated the number of Panamanian military dead at 205, lower than its original estimate of 314.
Civilian fatalities include an American schoolteacher working in Panama and Spanish
press photographer José Manuel Rodríguez.
's 1991 report on Panama in the post-invasion aftermath stated that even with some uncertainties about the scale of civilian casualties, the figures are "still troublesome" because
[Panama's civilian deaths] reveal that the "surgical operation" by American forces inflicted a toll in civilian lives that was at least four-and-a-half times higher than military casualties in the enemy, and twelve or thirteen times higher than the casualties suffered by U.S. troops. By themselves, these ratios suggest that the
and the duty to minimize harm to civilians, where doing so would not compromise a legitimate military objective, were not faithfully observed by the invading U.S. forces. For us, the controversy over the number of civilian casualties should not obscure the important debate on the manner in which those people died.
The Commission for the Defense of Human Rights in Central America (CODEHUCA) estimated 2,500–3,000 deaths, and the Commission for the Defense of Human Rights in Panama (Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos de Panamá, CONADEHUPA) estimated 3,500 deaths. A report by former Attorney General , claimed over 4,000 deaths. The report also concluded that "neither Panamanian nor U.S. governments provided a careful accounting of non-lethal injuries" and that "relief efforts were inadequate to meet the basic needs of thousands of civilians made homeless by the invasion." The report estimated the number of displaced civilians to be over 15,000, whereas the U.S. military provided support for only 3,000 of these.
Operation plans directed against Panama evolved from plans designed to defend the Panama Canal. They became more aggressive as the situation between the two nations deteriorated. The
series of plans included rehearsals for a possible clash () and missions to secure U.S. sites ().
Eventually, these plans became Operation Blue Spoon which was then, in order to sustain the perceived legitimacy of the invasion throughout the operation, renamed by The Pentagon to Operation Just Cause. General Colin Powell said that he liked the name because "even our severest critics would have to utter 'Just Cause' while denouncing us."
The post-invasion civil-military operation designed to stabilize the situation, support the U.S.-installed government, and restore basic services was originally planned as "Operation Blind Logic", but was renamed "Operation Promote Liberty" by the Pentagon on the eve of the invasion.
The Panamanian name for the Operation is La Invasión ("The Invasion").[]
The original operation, in which U.S. troops were deployed to Panama in the spring of 1989, was called "Operation Nimrod Dancer".
The invasion of Panama provoked international outrage. Some countries charged that the U.S. had committed an act of aggression by invading Panama and was trying to conceal a new manifestation of its interventionist policy of force in Latin America. On 29 December, the
voted 75–20, with 40 abstentions, to condemn the invasion as a flagrant violation of international law.
On 22 December, the
passed a resolution deploring the invasion and calling for withdrawal of U.S. troops, as well as a resolution condemning the violation of the diplomatic status of the Nicaraguan Embassy in Panama by U.S. Special Forces who had entered the building. At the UN Security Council, after discussing the issue over several days, a draft resolution demanding the immediate withdrawal of U.S. forces from Panama was vetoed on 23 December by three of the permanent members of the Security Council, France, United Kingdom, and the United States, who cited its right of self-defense of 35,000 Americans present on the Panama Canal.
recalled its ambassador from the U.S. in protest of the invasion.
Some claim that the Panamanian people overwhelmingly supported the invasion. According to a CBS poll, 92% of Panamanian adults supported the U.S. incursion, and 76% wished that U.S. forces had invaded in October during the coup. However, others dispute this finding, asserting that the Panamanian surveys were conducted in wealthy, English-speaking neighborhoods in Panama City, among Panamanians most likely to support U.S. actions.
described the reaction of the civilian population to the invasion as "generally sympathetic".
In 2006, one author opined that "President Bush had not defended the hemisphere against European aggression under the guise of the , or used the threat of Communist proliferation to take action, but instead he had used the US military to remove a hostile and problematic Latin American dictator from power because it was in the best interests of the United States to do so."
Eighteen years after the invasion, Panama's
unanimously declared 20 December 2007 to be a day of national mourning. The resolution was vetoed by President Torrijos.
According to , a former U.S. national security advisor, 74% of Americans polled approved of the action. Studies by
and others of
have attributed this support to the 's intentional exclusion of critical viewpoints from television reporting preceding the invasion.
The Washington Post disclosed several rulings of the Office of Legal Counsel, issued shortly before the invasion, in regards to the U.S. armed forces being charged with making an arrest abroad. One ruling interpreted the Executive Order against Assassination of Foreign Leaders, which prohibits the intentional killing of foreign leaders, as suggesting that accidental killings would be acceptable foreign policy. Another ruling concluded that the
of 1878, which prohibits the armed forces from making arrests without Congressional authorization, is effective only within the boundaries of the U.S., such that the military could be used as a police force abroad—for example, in Panama, to enforce a federal court warrant against Noriega.
20,000 were displaced from their homes. Disorder continued for nearly two weeks. A lawsuit brought by 60 Panamanian companies alleged negligence and disregard for property.
Guillermo Endara, in hiding, was sworn in as president by a judge on the night preceding the invasion. In later years, he staged a hunger strike, calling attention to the poverty and homelessness left in the wake of both the Noriega years and the destruction caused by the U.S. invasion.
On 19 July 1990, a group of 60 companies based in Panama filed a lawsuit against the U.S. government in Federal District Court in New York City alleging that the U.S. action against Panama was "done in a tortuous, careless and negligent manner with disregard for the property of innocent Panamanian residents". Most of the businesses had insurance, but the insurers either went bankrupt or refused to pay, claiming that acts of war were not covered.
About 20,000 people lost their homes and became refugees as a result of urban warfare. About 2,700 families that were displaced by the Chorrillo fire were each given $6,500 by the U.S. to build a new house or apartment in selected areas in or near the city. However, numerous problems were reported with the new constructions just two years after the invasion.
The government of Guillermo Endara designated the first anniversary of the U.S. invasion a "national day of reflection". On that day hundreds of Panamanians marked the day with a "black march" through the streets of Panama City to denounce the U.S. invasion and Endara's economic policies. Protesters echoed claims that 3,000 people were killed as a result of U.S. military action. Since Noriega's ouster, Panama has had four presidential elections, with candidates from opposing parties succeeding each other in the . Panama's press, however, is still subject to numerous restrictions. On 10 February 1990, the Endara government abolished Panama's military and reformed the security apparatus by creating the Panamanian Public Forces. In 1994, a constitutional amendment permanently abolished the military of Panama. Concurrent with a severe recession in Latin America throughout the 1990s, Panama's GDP recovered by 1993, but very high unemployment remained a serious problem.
Noriega was brought to the U.S. to await trial. One of the charges brought against him was dropped when what had been widely reported as 50 kilograms of cocaine was revealed to be .
Information in this section
September 1987
U.S. Senate passes resolution urging Panama to re-establish a civilian government. Panama protests alleged U.S. violations of the Torrijos–Carter Treaties.
November 1987
U.S. Senate resolution cuts military and economic aid to Panama. Panamanians adopt resolution restricting U.S. military presence.
February 1988
Noriega indicted on drug-related charges. U.S. forces begin planning contingency operations in Panama (OPLAN Blue Spoon).
March 1988
15 March: First of four deployments of U.S. forces begins providing additional security to U.S. installations.
16 March: PDF officers attempt a coup against Noriega.
April 1988
5 April: Additional U.S. forces deployed to provide security.
9 April: Joint Task Force Panama activated.
7 May: Civilian elections are held in P opposition alliance tally shows their candidate, Guillermo Endara, beating Noriega's candidate, Carlos Duque, by a 3 to 1 margin. The election is declared invalid two days later by Noriega.
11 May: President Bush orders 1,900 additional combat troops to Panama (Operation Nimrod Dancer).
22 May: Convoys conducted to assert U.S. freedom of movement. Additional transport units travel from bases in the territorial U.S. to bases in Panama, and back, for this express purpose.
June–September 1989
U.S. begins conducting joint training and freedom of movement exercises ( and Operation Purple Storm). Additional transport units continue repeatedly traveling from bases in the territorial U.S. to bases in Panama, and back, for this express purpose.
October 1989
3 October: PDF, loyal to Noriega, defeat second coup attempt.
December 1989
15 December: Noriega refers to himself as leader of Panama and declares that the U.S. is in a state of war with Panama.
16 December: U.S. Marine lieutenant shot and killed by PDF. Navy lieutenant and wife detained and assaulted by PDF.
17 December: NCA directs execution of Operation Just Cause.
18 December: Army lieutenant shoots PDF sergeant. Joint Task Force South (JTFSO) advance party deploys. JCS designates D-Day/H-Hour as 20 December/1:00 a.m.
19 December: U.S. forces alerted, marshalled, and launched.
D-Day, 20 December 1989
U.S. invasion of Panama begins. The operation was conducted as a campaign with limited military objectives. JTFSO objectives in PLAN 90-2 were to: protect U.S. lives and key sites and facilities, capture and deliver Noriega to competent authority, neutralize PDF forces, neutralize PDF command and control, support establishment of a U.S.-recognized government in Panama, and restructure the PDF. Major operations detailed elsewhere continued through 24 December.
JCS directs execution of Operation Promote Liberty.
3 January 1990 (D-Day + 14)
Noriega surrenders to U.S. forces.
31 January 1990 (D-Day + 42)
Operation Just Cause ends.
Operation Promote Liberty begins.
September 1994 (D-Day + approximately 4.5 years)
Operation Promote Liberty ends.
All 27 objectives related to the Panamanian Defense Force were completed on D-Day, 20 December 1989. As initial forces moved to new objectives, follow-on forces from the 7th Infantry Division (L) moved into the western areas of Panama and into Panama City.
19 December 1989 (D-Day - 1)
Company A, 1st Bn, 7th Special Forces Group (Airborne)-already deployed into Panama, along with 3rd Bn, 7th Special Forces Group (Airborne)-then permanently headquartered at Fort Davis, Panama, moved to predetermined positions.
3d Bde, 7th Infantry Division (L) (4/17th Inf), already deployed as part of peacekeeping forces in the region, was deployed to predetermined positions.
2nd Bde, 7th Inf Div (L), was alerted for deployment. DRF 1 (3/27th Inf) and DRF 2 (2/27th INF) were deployed.
20 December 1989 (D-Day)
3d Bde, 7th Infantry Division (L) (4/17th Inf) began operations in Colon City, the Canal Zone, and Panama City.
The remainder of the 2d Bde was deployed and closed in Panama.
Elements of 1st and 3rd Bn, 7th Special Forces Group (Airborne) conducted air assault and secured Pacora River Bridge preventing PDF reinforcements from reaching Omar Torrijos Airport and Panama City.
The entire 75th Ranger Regiment, split into two elements (Team Black and Team Gold), conducted simultaneous parachute drops at Rio Hato Airfield, along with half the command and control of the HQ 75th RGR, the entire 2nd Battalion 75th RGR, and two companies from 3rd Battalion 75th, to neutralize PDF and Macho de Montes units present, seize the runway, and secure Manuel Noriega's beachside facility.
The other half of HQ 75th RGR C&C, along with 1st Battalion 75th RGR and the remaining elements of 3rd Battalion 75th RGR, dropped into Omar Torrijos Airport to seize the runway and tower for follow-on operations by elements of the 82nd Airborne Division, deployed by C141 airdrop/airland elements of the 317th Combat Control Squadron, 507th Tactical Air Control Squadron.
193d Infantry Brigade (Light) assaulted PDF headquarters at La Commandancia, PDF Engineer Battalion, PDF 5th Company at Fort Amador, PDF units at Balboa and Ancon.
45 minutes after the 75th RGR RGT conducted their parachute drop onto Omar Torrijos Airport the 1st BDE 82 ABN DIV begins parachuting onto the airfield, and then assembles for movement to assigned follow on objectives.
21 December 1989 (D-Day + 1)
JCS directed execution of Operation Promote Liberty (renamed from Plan Blind Logic).
The Panama Canal reopened for daylight operations.
Refugee situation became critical.
C Company, 5th Battalion, 87th Infantry Regiment (193d Infantry Brigade) repelled a PDF counterattack at the PDF DNTT headquarters and rescued Panamanian Vice President Ford, whose convoy was also attacked.
TF Bayonet began CMO in Panama City.
Marriott Hotel was secured and hostages evacuated.
22 December 1989 (D-Day + 2)
FPP established.
CMO and stability operations became primary focus.
2d Bde, 7th Inf Div (L), deployed to Rio Hato.
1st Bde (9th Regiment), 7th Inf Div (L), was alerted for deployment.
23 December 1989 (D-Day + 3)
International airport reopened.
2d Bde, 7th Inf Div (L) and SF elements began operations in west.
96th CA Bn assumed responsibility for DC Camp from USARSO.
1st Bde (9th Regiment) 7th Inf Div (L) closed in Panama.
24 December 1989 (D-Day + 4)
Noriega entered Papal Nunciatura.
Money for Weapons program initiated.
Combined U.S./FPP patrols began.
25 December 1989 (D-Day + 5)
Rangers secured Davíd.
Operations in western Panama continued successfully.
3 January 1990 (D-Day + 14)
Noriega surrendered to U.S. forces.
Combat and stability ops continue.
31 January 1990 (D-Day + 42)
Operation Just Cause ends.
Operation Promote Liberty begins.
September 1994 (D-Day + approximately 4.5 years)
Operation Promote Liberty ends.
Above information in this section
US soldiers holding a
at La Comandancia
 – Joint Task Force South
(Combat Electronic Warfare and Intelligence) (Airborne)(FT Bragg)
(Operations) (Airborne) (FT Bragg)
A Co. 319th MI BN (Corps Tactical Operations Support Element)
B Co. 319th MI BN (Signal)
(Tactical Exploitation) (Airborne) (FT Bragg)
A Co 519th MI BN (Interrogation)
B Co. 519th MI BN (Counterintelligence)
C Co. 519th MI BN (SIGINT and Voice Intercept)
Fort Clayton
, Det. 1, , Doniphan, Missouri
1109th Signal Brigade
35th Signal Brigade (25th Signal Battalion/426th Signal Battalion) Fort Bragg North Carolina
142nd Medical Battalion
324th Support Group
470th Military Intelligence Brigade
, Galeta Island
, Fort Davis
', Task Forces Bayonet
1st Battalion (Airborne), 508th Parachute Infantry Regiment (United States)
. Detach from
C Company, 3rd Battalion, 73rd Armor Regiment (Airborne), Detach from 82nd ABN Div
D Company,
D Battery, 320th Field Artillery Regiment
59th Engineer Company (Sapper)
519th Military Police Battalion, , MD
209th Military Police Company, Fort Meade, MD
555th Military Police Company, , VA
988th Military Police Company, Fort Benning Georgia
401st Military Police Company,
, Task Force Atlantic
A Troop, 2nd Squadron,
2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry Regiment (DRF 2)
5th Battalion, 21st Infantry Regiment
3rd Battalion, 27th Infantry Regiment (DRF 1)
6th Battalion,
A Battery, 2-
B Company, 13th Engineer Battalion
B Company, 7th Medical Battalion
B Company, 707th Maintenance Battalion
B Company, 7th Supply and Transportation Battalion
4th Battalion, 17th Infantry Regiment
3rd Battalion, 17th Infantry Regiment
C Company, 2d Battalion, 27th Infantry Regiment
3rd Battalion, , Detach from 82nd ABN Div
B Battery, 7th Battalion,
B Battery, 2d Battalion, 62nd Air Defense Artillery Regiment
C Company, 13th Engineer Battalion
C Company, 7th Medical Battalion
C Company, 707th Maintenance Battalion
C Company, 7th Supply & Transportation Battalion
3d Platoon, Company B, 127th Signal Battalion
127th Signal Battalion (-)
13th Engineer Battalion (-)
7th Military Police Company (-)
107th Military Intelligence Battalion (-)
5th Public Affairs Detachment
, Task Force Pacific
1st Brigade
1st Battalion, 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment
2d Battalion, 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment
4th Battalion, 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment (-)
A Company, 3d Battalion, 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment
A Battery, 3d Battalion, 319th Airborne Field Artillery Regiment
A Battery, 3d Battalion, 4th Air Defense Artillery Regiment
C Company, 3d Battalion, 73d Armored Regiment (-)
A Company, 307th Engineer Battalion
A Company, 782d Maintenance Battalion
B Company, 307th Medical Battalion
A Company, 407th Supply & Services Battalion
A Company,
1st Battalion, 9th Infantry Regiment
2d Battalion, 9th Infantry Regiment
3d Battalion, 9th Infantry Regiment
A Company, 13th Engineer Battalion
A Company, 707th Maintenance Battalion
A Company, 7th Medical Battalion
A Company, 7th Supply and Transportation Battalion
1st Platoon, B Company, 127th Signal Battalion
Company B, 82d Signal Battalion (-)
82d Military Police Company (-)
511th Military Police Company,
Aviation Brigade, 7th Infantry Division, Task Force Aviation
195th Air Traffic Control Platoon
214th Medical Detachment
3rd Battalion, 123d Aviation, Task Force Hawk (Fort Ord)
E Company, 123d Aviation Regiment (-)
, Task Force Wolf (Fort Bragg)
1st Battalion, 82d Aviation Regiment (-)
Troop D, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment
1st Battalion, 123d Aviation Regiment (-)
Company D, 82d Aviation Regiment (-)
6th Marine Expeditionary Brigade, Task Force Semper Fi (MARFOR)
I Company,
K Company, 3d Battalion, 6th Marines
Company D,
G and H Detachment, Brigade Service Support Group 6
1st Platoon,
Marine Corps Security Guard Detachment (U.S. Embassy)
Marine Corps Security Force Company Panama
534th Military Police Company (U.S. Army),
536th Engineer Battalion (U.S. Army)
, California Air National Guard
815th Tactical Airlift Squadron
22nd Air Force
60th military airlift wing
62nd military airlift wing
[433d Military Airlift Wing]
[32d Aeromedical Evacuation Group]
[34th Aeromedical Evacuation Squadron]
363d Security Police Squadron K-9
3d Mobile Aerial Port Squadron (3d MAPS)
836th Security Police Squadron
63d Security Police Squadron
3rd Combat Communications Group
Aerospace Audiovisual Service (AAVS)
1352nd Combat Camera Squadron, , Calif.
1361st Combat Camera Squadron, , South Carolina
1369th Combat Camera Squadron, , Calif.
Naval Special Warfare Unit EIGHT
United States Naval Small Craft and Technical Training School (NAVSCIATTS)
: operation undertaken by 1st SFOD-D and the 160th SOAR to rescue Kurt Muse, a U.S. citizen involved in the broadcast of anti-Noriega material, during Operation Just Cause.
Operation Blade Jewel: the return of military dependents to the U.S.
: operation undertaken by SEALs to capture Manuel Noriega or destroy his two escape routes, destroying his private jet at Paitilla Airfield and his gunboat, which was docked in a canal. Noriega surrendered to U.S. troops on 3 January 1990.
Operation Nimrod Dancer: reinforcing the forward-deployed U.S. forces with a brigade headquarters and an infantry battalion task force from the 7th Inf Div (L), a mechanized infantry battalion from the 5th Inf Div (M), and a U.S. Marine Corps Light Armored Infantry (LAI) Company. Augmentation continued with units rotating from both divisions under Operation Nimrod Sustain.
Operation Promote Liberty: operation to rebuild the Panamanian military and civilian infrastructure.
: operation to assert, display, and exercise U.S. freedom-of-movement rights, with convoys traveling in and out of Panama for that express purpose.
: operation to exercise, display, and assert U.S. freedom-of-movement rights, with convoys traveling in and out of Panama for that express purpose.
- a military operation which involved rescuing 64 prisoners and taking over the prison.
Academy Award winning documentary.
, a 2014 Panamanian documentary.
. United States Department of Veterans Affairs 2014.
. United States Army.
. The New York Times. 24 June 1990.[]
. Los Angeles Times. 21 December 1989.
Jones, Howard (2001). Crucible of Power: A History of US Foreign Relations Since 1897. p. 494.[]
(1990). Divorcing the Dictator. New York: Putnam. pp. 26–30, 162.
Cockburn, Alexander & St. Clair, Jeffrey (1998). Whiteout: the CIA, Drugs, and the Press. London: Verso.[]
The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing. p. 2.[]
Buckley, Kevin (1991). Panama: The Whole Story. New York: Simon & Schuster.[]
Oakley, Robert B.; Dziedzic, Michael J. & Goldberg, Eliot M. (1998). Policing the New World Disorder: Peace Operations and Public Security. Washington, DC: National Defense University Press.[]
Cole, Ronald H. (1995). Operation Just Cause: The Planning and Execution of Joint Operations in Panama, February ;– January 1990. Joint History Office, Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. p. 6.[]
A report by the
concluded that numerous human rights violations occurred in Panama during Noriega's government: "Report on the situation of human rights in Panama". 9 November 1989.[]
Cole, Ronald H. (1995). . Joint History Office, Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. p. 11.[]
Yates (2008). The US Military Intervention in Panama: Origins, Planning and Crises Management, June ;– December 1989. Center of Military History, United States Army.[]
"The Noriega Challenge to George Bush's Credibility and the 1989 Invasion of Panama". 2000.[]
Cole, Ronald H. (1995). Operation Just Cause: The Planning and Execution of Joint Operations in Panama, February ;– January 1990. Joint History Office, Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. p. 27.[]
"Operation Just Cause". 870-5a Organizational History Files (Corps Historian's Notes) (XVIII Airborne Corps). 1989–90. Notebook #1. Permanent. Corps Historian's Personal Notes Recorded During the Operation
Cole, Ronald H (1995). Operation Just Cause: The Planning and Execution of Joint Operations in Panama, February ;– January 1990. Joint History Office, Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. p. 30.[]
"A Transcript of President Bush's Address on the Decision to Use Force". The New York Times. 21 December 1989.[]
Noriega, Manuel & Eisner, Peter (1997). America's Prisoner: The Memoirs of Manuel Noriega. Random House.[]
Cramer, J. K. (2006). "'Just Cause' or Just Politics?: U.S. Panama Invasion and Standardizing Qualitative Tests for Diversionary War". Armed Forces & Society 32 (2): 178–201.
. United States Air Force 2010.
Pizzurno, Patricia & Andrés Araúz, Celestino.
(in Spanish).[] According to this piece, the PDF had 16,000 troops, but only 3,000 of them were trained for combat: "Para entonces las Fuerzas de Defensa poseían 16.000 efectivos, de los cuales apenas 3.000 estaban entrenados para el combate."
Cole, Ronald H.
(PDF). Joint History Office, Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Fishel, John T. (1997). Civil Military Operations in the New World. Greenwood Publishing Group.[]
"Combat in Panama, Operation Just Cause". Los Angeles Times. 21 December 1989.[]
Baker, Russell (3 January 1990). . The New York Times 2007.[]
Lindsay-Poland, John (2003). Emperors in the Jungle: The Hidden History of the U.S. in Panama. Duke University Press. p. 118.  .[]
Pike, John. . Global Security.
. The New York Times.[]
. Wars of the World.
. Los Angeles Times 2014.[]
. 7 April 1991.[]
"Report of Joint CODEHUCA–CONADEHUPA delegation". San Jose, Costa Rica: Central American Human Rights Commission, Panama Delegation. January–February 1990.[]
Conley, William J., Jr.
(PDF). Small Wars Journal.[]
Powell, Colin & Persico, Joseph E. (1995). My American Journey. New York: Random House.[]
Yates, Lawrence (May–June 2005).
(PDF). Military Review.[]
. Military. Global Security.[]
. International Development Research Centre. December 2001.[]
Brooke, James (21 December 1989). "U.S. Denounced by Nations Touchy About Intervention". The New York Times.[]
Draft Resolution
22 December 1989.
Retrieved 13 September 2007.
Verbatim Report
23 December 1989.
Retrieved 13 September 2007.
Verbatim Report
22 December 1989.
Retrieved 13 September 2007.
Pastor, Robert A. (2001). Exiting the Whirlpool: U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Latin America and the Caribbean. p. 96.[]
Trent, Barbara (Director) (31 July 1992).
(Documentary film). Empowerment Project.
. Human Rights Watch World Report 1989. Human Rights Watch. 1989.[]
Brewer, Stewart. Borders and Bridges: A History of U.S.–Latin American Relations. p. 147.[]
. FAIR Blog 2014.
Henkin, Louis (1991). Right v. Might: International Law and the Use of Force. pp. 161–2.[]
"Panama Companies Sue U.S. for Damages". The New York Times. 21 July 1990.[]
"El Chorrillo Two Years after the U.S. Invaded Panama, Those Displaced by the War Have New Homes". . 20 December 1991.[]
. Committee to Protect Journalists.
. Washington Post. 23 January .[]
Eisenmann, Roberto (21 December 1989). "For a Panamanian, Hope and Tragedy". The New York Times.
Donnelly, Thomas (1991). Operation Just Cause: The Storming of Panama. Lexington Books.  .
Harding, Robert C. (2001). Military Foundations of Panamanian Politics. Transaction Publishers.  .
——— (2006). The History of Panama. Greenwood Publishing.  .
Phillips, R. Cody (2004). .
Yates, Lawrence A. (2008).
(1st ed.). Washington, DC: . CMH Pub 55–1–1.
 – historical timeline
, UN General Assembly Meeting 29 December 1989
hosted by the
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